Por Ulises Carabantes Ahumada<\/p>\n
Ingeniero Civil Industrial. Analista de actualidad. Escritor.<\/p>\n
(At the end of the spanish text you will find the english translation)<\/p>\n
Estimado lector, en las pr\u00f3ximas l\u00edneas podr\u00e1 leer un muy breve pero descriptivo resumen de algunos cap\u00edtulos del libro Chile 1973<\/strong>. Quien quiera profundizar en esta materia y desee comprar el libro, consulte al correo ucarabantes@gmail.com<\/a>, para las ediciones en Chile como tambi\u00e9n en Espa\u00f1a. Esta es la tercera de trece publicaciones sabatinas que efectuar\u00e9 hasta el s\u00e1bado 9 de septiembre.<\/p>\n El viernes 3 de noviembre de 1970; en el sal\u00f3n de honor del Congreso en Santiago, Salvador Allende se cruz\u00f3 la banda tricolor en su pecho como s\u00edmbolo de comenzar a ejercer el cargo de Presidente de la Rep\u00fablica. Como se\u00f1al\u00e9 en la segunda de esta serie de trece publicaciones, para lograr ser proclamado candidato a la presidencia por la Unidad Popular, Allende firm\u00f3 el 22 de enero de 1970 un documento en el que se comprometi\u00f3 a que la toma de decisiones en un eventual gobierno de la UP no las tomar\u00eda el presidente como jefe supremo de la naci\u00f3n, como lo defin\u00eda la constituci\u00f3n de 1925; sino que las decisiones ser\u00edan tomadas \u201cplural e integradamente\u201d por el comit\u00e9 pol\u00edtico de la Unidad Popular. Se inventaba el \u201corden del caos\u201d como Pablo Neruda le manifest\u00f3 a Salvador Allende despu\u00e9s del 22 de enero de 1970; cuando Allende ya estaba ungido como candidato a presidente. El hecho de que Salvador Allende asumiera la presidencia de la rep\u00fablica bajo esta condici\u00f3n significaba una importante irregularidad constitucional, por no decir vulneraci\u00f3n de la constituci\u00f3n. A Allende se le hab\u00eda entregado la presidencia de la rep\u00fablica, es decir, todas las atribuciones para la toma de decisiones, como lo estipulaba la Constituci\u00f3n y no a la c\u00fapula de una agrupaci\u00f3n de partidos. Tampoco se le entreg\u00f3 a Allende la atribuci\u00f3n de delegar o entregar parcial o totalmente las prerrogativas que s\u00f3lo a \u00e9l se le dieron como presidente de Chile y Allende cay\u00f3 en la irregularidad constitucional de entregar sus atribuciones a la c\u00fapula de partidos de la Unidad Popular, desde el primer d\u00eda de su gobierno. Esta condici\u00f3n ser\u00eda gravitante en la imposibilidad de encontrar soluciones cuando el pa\u00eds estuviera metido en la grave crisis pol\u00edtica que lo tendr\u00eda al borde de la guerra civil. El pa\u00eds se preparaba para ver que tan sabor \u201ca empanada y vino tinto\u201d ser\u00eda la revoluci\u00f3n chilena.<\/p>\n En lo institucional, el programa de la Unidad Popular propon\u00eda terminar con la democracia republicana existente, eliminando la Constituci\u00f3n de 1925 para ser reemplazada por otra que le diera al pa\u00eds las caracter\u00edsticas de \u201cEstado Popular\u201d, lo que inclu\u00eda la eliminaci\u00f3n del Congreso bicameral, el que ser\u00eda reemplazado por un Congreso de una c\u00e1mara denominado \u201cAsamblea Popular\u201d. La reforma agraria iniciada por el gobierno de Eduardo Frei que contemplaba la expropiaci\u00f3n de tierras agr\u00edcolas bajo riego, de ochenta hect\u00e1reas o m\u00e1s que estuvieran sin producir, fue conceptualmente cambiada en el programa de la Unidad Popular, incluyendo en las expropiaciones no s\u00f3lo tierras improductivas, sino tambi\u00e9n campos con frutales, vi\u00f1as, m\u00e1quinas y herramientas, lo que en definitiva era un despojo basado en el criterio ideol\u00f3gico marxista. Textualmente el programa de la UP dec\u00eda \u201cAceleraci\u00f3n del proceso de reforma agraria expropiando los predios que excedan a la cabida m\u00e1xima establecida, seg\u00fan las condiciones de las distintas zonas, incluso los frutales, vitivin\u00edcolas y forestales, sin que el due\u00f1o tenga derecho preferencial a elegir la reserva. La expropiaci\u00f3n podr\u00e1 incluir la totalidad o parte de los activos de los predios expropiados (maquinarias, herramientas, animales, etc)\u201d. Despu\u00e9s de este despojo institucionalizado los campos se fueron colmando de activistas pol\u00edticos miembros de la Unidad Popular y del MIR, que de trabajo agr\u00edcola no ten\u00edan noci\u00f3n alguna, simplemente se instalaban en los campos a ejecutar un asamble\u00edsmo permanente, para disfrutar del acto de redenci\u00f3n revolucionaria en que estaban y de esta forma, las maquinarias, las herramientas y los animales quedaron sin uso con la consiguiente paralizaci\u00f3n de la producci\u00f3n agr\u00edcola y como consecuencia de esto, la falta de alimentos provenientes del agro para los chilenos. En 1965; al inicio de la reforma agraria de Frei, Chile importaba alrededor de 150 millones de d\u00f3lares en alimentos, a fines de 1972; habi\u00e9ndose expropiado por parte del gobierno de Salvador Allende la totalidad de las tierras expropiables, Chile ten\u00eda como resultado una importaci\u00f3n anual de 450 millones de d\u00f3lares en alimentos. Los n\u00fameros hablan por s\u00ed solos.<\/p>\n Al comenzar el gobierno de Salvador Allende, el alto mando castrense qued\u00f3 conformado con el general Carlos Prats como comandante en jefe del ej\u00e9rcito, el almirante Ra\u00fal Montero como comandante en jefe de la armada, el general C\u00e9sar Ruiz como comandante en jefe de la fuerza a\u00e9rea y el general Jos\u00e9 Sep\u00falveda, como director general de carabineros.<\/p>\n El lunes 9 de noviembre de 1970 el fiscal Fernando Lyon y el juez militar, general Orlando Urbina, a cargo de la investigaci\u00f3n del asesinato del general Ren\u00e9 Schneider, comenzaron a entregar relevante informaci\u00f3n sobre la materia. De acuerdo con la declaraci\u00f3n de Julio Fontecilla, involucrado en el atentado, lideraron el complot el general retirado Roberto Viuax y su suegro el coronel en retiro Ra\u00fal Igualt, el general de divisi\u00f3n del ej\u00e9rcito Camilo Valenzuela, quien ostentaba el cargo de jefe de la guarnici\u00f3n militar de Santiago, el vicealmirante Hugo Tirado, comandante en jefe de la armada y el director general de carabineros, Vicente Huerta. De estos tres altos oficiales s\u00f3lo el general Valenzuela estaba en su cargo en el momento en que Urbina y Lyon comenzaron a entregar la informaci\u00f3n sobre su participaci\u00f3n en los hechos. En consecuencia, el comandante en jefe del ej\u00e9rcito le solicit\u00f3 a Valenzuela la renuncia a la instituci\u00f3n, siendo reemplazado en el cargo de comandante en jefe de la guarnici\u00f3n militar de Santiago por el general de divisi\u00f3n Augusto Pinochet, quien llegaba reci\u00e9n ascendido y habiendo dejado la comandancia en jefe de la sexta divisi\u00f3n de ej\u00e9rcito, con asiento en Iquique.<\/p>\n El 12 de noviembre de 1970 entr\u00f3 en vigencia el decreto supremo con el que el presidente Salvador Allende indult\u00f3 y dej\u00f3 en libertad a condenados por los Tribunales de Justicia por actos terroristas. Allende argument\u00f3 que s\u00f3lo se trataba de j\u00f3venes idealistas. As\u00ed mismo se reanudaron relaciones pol\u00edticas y econ\u00f3micas con Cuba. A esas alturas se manten\u00eda el \u00e9xodo masivo de profesionales y empresarios, quienes abandonaban Chile ante el advenimiento del prometido \u201cEstado popular\u201d.<\/p>\n El 9 de enero de 1971 fue promulgada la ley 17.398 por medio de la cual se efectuaba una reforma a la Constituci\u00f3n de 1925 con la que quedaban incorporados a la Carta Magna los Estatutos de Garant\u00edas Constitucionales que Allende hab\u00eda firmado con la democracia cristiana para recibir el apoyo de este partido en el Congreso. Un mes despu\u00e9s, el presidente Allende declar\u00f3 ante el periodista franc\u00e9s Regis Debray que aquellos Estatutos de Garant\u00edas Constitucionales los hab\u00eda firmado s\u00f3lo por un motivo t\u00e1ctico para llegar al gobierno y que simplemente no los respetar\u00eda. Como los estatutos firmados hab\u00edan sido incorporados a la Constituci\u00f3n, el presidente de la rep\u00fablica simplemente afirm\u00f3 que no respetar\u00eda la Constituci\u00f3n. Esto deb\u00eda sumarse a la irregularidad constitucional en que estaba desde el primer d\u00eda de su gobierno, al haber entregado atribuciones para gobernar a las c\u00fapulas de los partidos.<\/p>\n 1971 fue un a\u00f1o en que hubo una aparente bonanza, con la fijaci\u00f3n de precios de art\u00edculos de primera necesidad, contrataci\u00f3n masiva de chilenos en reparticiones p\u00fablicas y en las empresas que comenzaban a ser pasadas a manos del Estado, cubriendo el costo que esto significaba simplemente imprimiendo papel moneda, como si con la simple impresi\u00f3n de billetes se generara riqueza. Esto era pan para el presente pero hambre para el ma\u00f1ana.<\/p>\n En lo econ\u00f3mico tambi\u00e9n, la Unidad Popular hab\u00eda definido tres \u00e1reas para la econom\u00eda, un \u00e1rea privada, muy reducida y limitada, un \u00e1rea mixta donde habr\u00eda controladores privados y el Estado y el \u00e1rea social, eufemismo dado al \u00e1rea donde el Estado estar\u00eda como \u00fanico controlador de las empresas. Nunca hubo claridad respecto de qu\u00e9 empresas ser\u00edan pasadas a manos del Estado, nunca se le dio forma legal a esta definici\u00f3n del gobierno, generando la natural incertidumbre en los empresarios quienes evidentemente no ten\u00edan ning\u00fan incentivo para desarrollar inversiones e incluso para la adquisici\u00f3n de materias primas para mantener la producci\u00f3n, pues era evidente que en cualquier momento su unidad productiva les pod\u00eda ser quitada. Recurrente fue el uso del Decreto 520; olvidado por casi 40 a\u00f1os, por haberse emitido en 1932 durante la ef\u00edmera rep\u00fablica socialista de Carlos D\u00e1vila, el cual se\u00f1alaba que una empresa podr\u00eda ser intervenida o expropiada si no cumpl\u00eda con los prop\u00f3sitos para los cuales hab\u00eda sido creada. En virtud de esto, activistas de la Unidad Popular utilizaron ma\u00f1osamente este cuerpo legal, paralizando f\u00e1bricas por el motivo que fuera, para despu\u00e9s de un par de semanas informar al Ministerio de Econom\u00eda de tal modo se procediera a la intervenci\u00f3n o expropiaci\u00f3n de la unidad productiva en cuesti\u00f3n. Esto, m\u00e1s la no definici\u00f3n legal de las \u00e1reas de la econom\u00eda, trajeron como resultado la paralizaci\u00f3n en la producci\u00f3n y por lo tanto desabastecimiento en Chile, lo que agudizaba a\u00fan m\u00e1s la presi\u00f3n inflacionaria dada por la emisi\u00f3n inorg\u00e1nica de papel moneda.<\/p>\n El 4 abril de 1971 naci\u00f3 el Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad en un acto en el estadio Nataniel en Santiago, grupo de ultra derecha liderado por el abogado Pablo Rodr\u00edguez Grez, el que en un comienzo se aboc\u00f3 a la propaganda en contra del gobierno, lo que deriv\u00f3 a violentas acciones callejeras, en las que los militantes de esta agrupaci\u00f3n portaban bastones y linchacos para proteger manifestaciones opositoras. Las acciones de este grupo anti marxista finalmente pasaron a ser atentados dinamiteros a instalaciones estrat\u00e9gicas del pa\u00eds, como torres de transmisi\u00f3n el\u00e9ctrica, oleoductos y v\u00edas f\u00e9rreas. A Pablo Rodr\u00edguez se sum\u00f3 como l\u00edder de esta agrupaci\u00f3n el joven empresario mueblista Roberto Thieme, quien en 1971 tom\u00f3 el cargo de secretario general y en enero de 1973 pas\u00f3 a ser jefe del frente de operaciones cuyo objetivo era desatar la lucha armada en contra del gobierno de Allende.<\/p>\n Por su parte, el presidente Allende emiti\u00f3 su primer mensaje al pa\u00eds ante el Congreso Nacional, discurso que fue calificado por el comandante en jefe del ej\u00e9rcito de la \u00e9poca como \u201cpol\u00e9mico\u201d, en las memorias que \u00e9ste dej\u00f3 escrita antes de su muerte. El discurso de Salvador Allende el 21 de mayo de 1971 fue una especie de clase de marxismo y de historia de revoluciones marxistas ante congresales no marxistas y una imposici\u00f3n a \u00e9stos en el sentido de tener que aprobar todos los cambios que el gobierno enviara como proyectos de ley al poder legislativo, en un tr\u00e1nsito unidireccional hacia la sociedad socialista, enfatizando Allende en su an\u00e1lisis la necesidad de obtener dicha aprobaciones por parte del Congreso para evitar un camino distinto al que planteaba la revoluci\u00f3n a la chilena y evitar as\u00ed la violencia revolucionaria que se hab\u00eda desarrollado en otros pa\u00edses del mundo. Es decir, o se aprobaban en el Congreso las reformas del gobierno, o quedaba notificado el poder legislativo de verse enfrentado a la violencia izquierdista. Dentro de esas modificaciones estaba ni m\u00e1s ni menos que terminar con la democracia republicana, eliminando la constituci\u00f3n de 1925 y dentro de este cambio, el fin del congreso bicameral, s\u00edmbolo de tal democracia. Es decir, la UP hab\u00eda utilizado la democracia imperante en Chile para llegar a gobernar el pa\u00eds y una vez en esta posici\u00f3n, proceder a destruir tal democracia. <\/strong>El presidente Allende tambi\u00e9n efectu\u00f3 una afirmaci\u00f3n que graficaba hacia donde su gobierno estaba llevando a Chile: \u201cLa tarea es de complejidad extraordinaria porque no hay precedentes en que podamos inspirarnos. Pisamos un camino nuevo; marchamos sin gu\u00eda por un terreno desconocido\u2026\u201d<\/p>\n El 8 de junio de 1971 Chile se estremeci\u00f3 con un nuevo crimen pol\u00edtico. Se le dio muerte al dem\u00f3crata cristiano Edmundo P\u00e9rez Zujovic, ex ministro del interior del gobierno de Eduardo Frei, quien fue acribillado con la r\u00e1faga de una metralleta Carl Gustav disparada por Ronald Rivera Calder\u00f3n, hermano de Arturo Rivera Calder\u00f3n, uno de los muchos terroristas de izquierda que fueron indultados por Salvador Allende al inicio de su gobierno. Estos dos individuos que actuaron en el atentado formaban parte del grupo de extrema izquierda llamado Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo, VOP. Hubo versiones de la \u00e9poca que sindicaron al socialista Eduardo Paredes, director de investigaciones, de tener conexiones con el comando asesino del ex ministro.<\/p>\n En julio de 1971 se concret\u00f3 la nacionalizaci\u00f3n del cobre, sin indemnizaci\u00f3n para las empresas estadounidenses expropiadas, situaci\u00f3n que ser\u00eda motivo de pugnas entre las compa\u00f1\u00edas norteamericanas y el gobierno, en tribunales y materializando embargos de los env\u00edos de cobre desde Chile a los mercados internacionales, situaci\u00f3n esta \u00faltima que afect\u00f3 la disponibilidad de divisas en Chile.<\/p>\n En septiembre de 1971 se present\u00f3 la primera acusaci\u00f3n constitucional en contra de un ministro de Allende, Pedro Vuskovic, ministro de econom\u00eda, iniciativa que fracas\u00f3 por no contar con el apoyo de la democracia cristiana. Al mismo tiempo, un actor pol\u00edtico social relevante en lo que vendr\u00eda, los gremios, se organizaron en el FRENAP, Frente Nacional del \u00c1rea Privada, organizaci\u00f3n que estuvo constituida por la gran, mediana y peque\u00f1a empresa.<\/p>\n Los \u00faltimos dos meses de 1971 fueron de apresto para la oposici\u00f3n al gobierno, en lo que ser\u00eda una ofensiva que no se detendr\u00eda hasta el 11 de septiembre de 1973. El 10 de noviembre arrib\u00f3 a Chile el l\u00edder de la revoluci\u00f3n cubana Fidel Castro, situaci\u00f3n que fue un verdadero aglutinante para la oposici\u00f3n que hasta esa fecha se hab\u00eda mantenido sin mucha cohesi\u00f3n por los resquemores que permanec\u00edan a ra\u00edz de la f\u00e9rrea oposici\u00f3n que hizo la derecha al gobierno de Eduardo Frei. Anunciada la visita del l\u00edder revolucionario, Patria y Libertad pint\u00f3 los muros de Santiago repudiando la llegada del cubano. Al arribo de Castro flameaban banderas de los partidos socialista y comunista y las rojinegras del MIR, movimiento que era interlocutor pol\u00edtico del r\u00e9gimen cubano en Chile, adem\u00e1s de lienzos con im\u00e1genes del guerrillero cubano argentino Ernesto che Guevara. Fidel Castro permaneci\u00f3 en Chile durante 24 d\u00edas, tiempo durante el cual recorri\u00f3 el pa\u00eds desde Iquique hasta Punta Arenas, incluyendo salitreras, minas de cobre, minas de carb\u00f3n, universidades, buques de la escuadra, la acer\u00eda de Huachipato y recepciones oficiales. Todo el pa\u00eds, gobiernistas y opositores, giraba en torno al visitante. Cuando Castro a\u00fan permanec\u00eda en Chile, el 1 de diciembre de 1971; mientras se ofrec\u00eda una recepci\u00f3n oficial de despedida en la embajada de Cuba, se produjo la primera gran manifestaci\u00f3n opositora. Miles de mujeres marcharon por la zona c\u00e9ntrica de Santiago llevando ollas vac\u00edas, protegidas por Patria y Libertad, por el comando Rolando Matus del partido nacional y por la juventud dem\u00f3crata cristiana. En la intersecci\u00f3n de la avenida Bernardo O\u00b4Higgins con avenida Vicu\u00f1a Mackenna se produjo el encuentro entre la columna opositora y grupos de combate callejeros de la izquierda, desat\u00e1ndose violentos enfrentamientos, con resultado de m\u00faltiples heridos. Despu\u00e9s de un acto de despedida en el Estadio Nacional efectuado el 2 de diciembre, Fidel Castro dej\u00f3 Chile el 4 de diciembre, tras casi un mes de permanencia.<\/p>\n Tras la \u201cmarcha de las cacerolas\u201d la jefatura de Patria y Libertad concluy\u00f3 que sus militantes no estaban preparados para el combate callejero y decidi\u00f3 arrendar un gimnasio en la calle Almirante Barroso en Santiago, muy cercano al palacio de La Moneda, para comenzar instrucci\u00f3n de artes marciales y defensa personal a sus militantes. Por otra parte, el secretario general de esta agrupaci\u00f3n derechista, Roberto Thieme, efectu\u00f3 su primer viaje a Mendoza con el fin de concretar la internaci\u00f3n de armas.<\/p>\n 1972 comenz\u00f3 con malas perspectivas econ\u00f3micas y en las relaciones internacionales. Terminado 1971; un balance general indicaba que al finalizar dicho a\u00f1o Chile hab\u00eda tenido que importar 260 millones de d\u00f3lares en alimentos; casi el doble de lo que importaba el pa\u00eds al iniciarse la reforma agraria en el gobierno de Frei. Por otra parte, el presidente de los Estados Unidos Richard Nixon inform\u00f3 que tomar\u00eda acciones de orden econ\u00f3mico en contra de aquellos pa\u00edses que expropiaran empresas con capitales estadounidenses, sin la debida indemnizaci\u00f3n. Chile estaba entre esos pa\u00edses. Nixon ten\u00eda muy claro lo que har\u00eda, bloqueo al cr\u00e9dito externo para Chile y apoyo financiero para desestabilizar el gobierno de Allende. De hecho, en 1971 los cr\u00e9ditos del mundo occidental estaban paralizados hacia Chile, debido a la situaci\u00f3n de incertidumbre que se viv\u00eda en el pa\u00eds. Tal era el resultado de transitar por un \u201ccamino desconocido\u201d, como lo expres\u00f3 Salvador Allende en su discurso ante el Congreso y el pa\u00eds el 21 de mayo de 1971.<\/p>\n Durante el verano de 1972; por medio de una publicaci\u00f3n del periodista estadounidense Jack Anderson, se conoci\u00f3 acerca de las operaciones que hab\u00eda efectuado a la fecha la empresa estadounidense de comunicaciones ITT, con el fin de desestabilizar al gobierno chileno. En aquel mismo periodo las empresas afectadas por la nacionalizaci\u00f3n del cobre en Chile, apelaron al Tribunal Especial del Cobre solicitando que se modificaran las llamadas \u201cutilidades excesivas\u201d con que la Contralor\u00eda General de la Rep\u00fablica hab\u00eda calculado las indemnizaciones a pagar. Dichas indemnizaciones hab\u00edan resultado ser abultados n\u00fameros negativos, es decir, las empresas adem\u00e1s de verse expropiadas, deb\u00edan pagar al Estado chileno. El Consejo de Defensa del Estado dictamin\u00f3 que el referido tribunal no ten\u00eda competencia para referirse a la materia que se le solicitaba. Con esto se manten\u00eda candente un asunto que repercut\u00eda finalmente en el ingreso de divisas para Chile, por bloqueo de cr\u00e9ditos en los mercados de capitales occidentales y la confiscaci\u00f3n del cobre procedente de Chile en los distintos puertos del mundo occidental. La Unidad Popular intent\u00f3, con evidente improvisaci\u00f3n, solicitar recursos financieros en su \u201cvaticano\u201d, Mosc\u00fa, pero los rusos negaron tales recursos ante la presencia en del mismo Salvador Allende en Mosc\u00fa. Caro le estaba costando a Chile el \u201cgusto revolucionario\u201d que se estaba dando la izquierda chilena, rompiendo con el \u201cimperialismo yanky\u201d, para recibir las d\u00e1divas del comunismo sovi\u00e9tico, las que en realidad nunca les fueron entregadas como la necesitaban.<\/p>\n Si durante las trece publicaciones de este ciclo hist\u00f3rico, alguno de mis lectores se interesa en tener el libro Chile 1973<\/strong>; tanto para la edici\u00f3n en Chile como en Espa\u00f1a, pueden hacer llegar su consulta al correo electr\u00f3nico ucarabantes@gmail.com<\/a><\/p>\n Los espero el pr\u00f3ximo s\u00e1bado 08 de julio con la cuarta publicaci\u00f3n hist\u00f3rica, la que llevar\u00e1 por t\u00edtulo Cincuenta A\u00f1os: Del paro de transportistas al \u201ctancazo\u201d<\/u><\/strong>.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Fifty Years Dear reader, in the following lines, you will be able to read a very brief but descriptive summary of some chapters from the book “Chile 1973.” If you want to delve deeper into this subject and wish to purchase the book, please contact ucarabantes@gmail.com<\/a> for editions in Chile as well as in Spain. This is the third of thirteen Saturday publications that I will be making until Saturday, September 9th.<\/p>\n On Friday, November 3rd, 1970, in the honor hall of the Congress in Santiago, Salvador Allende adorned himself with the tricolor sash on his chest as a symbol of starting his term as President of the Republic. As I mentioned in the second of this series of thirteen publications, in order to be proclaimed as the presidential candidate by the Popular Unity, Allende signed a document on January 22nd, 1970, in which he committed to not making the decisions in a potential Popular Unity government as the president and supreme leader of the nation, as defined by the 1925 constitution. Instead, the decisions would be made “pluralistically and integrally” by the political committee of the Popular Unity. The concept of the “order of chaos” was invented, as Pablo Neruda expressed to Salvador Allende after January 22nd, 1970, when Allende was already anointed as a presidential candidate. The fact that Salvador Allende assumed the presidency under this condition meant a significant constitutional irregularity, if not a violation of the constitution. Allende had been given the presidency of the republic, that is, all the powers for decision-making, as stipulated by the Constitution, and not to the leadership of a party coalition. Allende was also not given the authority to delegate or partially or fully transfer the prerogatives that were exclusively given to him as the president of Chile. Allende fell into the constitutional irregularity of surrendering his powers to the leadership of the Popular Unity parties from the first day of his government. This condition would have a crucial impact on the inability to find solutions when the country was immersed in a serious political crisis that would bring it to the brink of civil war. The country was getting ready to see how much “empanada and red wine” flavor the Chilean revolution would have. On Monday, November 9, 1970, the prosecutor Fernando Lyon and the military judge, General Orlando Urbina, in charge of the investigation into the assassination of General Ren\u00e9 Schneider, began to provide relevant information on the matter. According to the statement of Julio Fontecilla, involved in the attack, the retired General Roberto Viuax and his father-in-law, retired Colonel Ra\u00fal Igualt, led the conspiracy. Also involved were the Army Major General Camilo Valenzuela, who held the position of Chief of the Military Garrison of Santiago, Vice Admiral Hugo Tirado, Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, and Vicente Huerta, the Director General of Carabineros. Of these three high-ranking officers, only General Valenzuela was in his position at the time when Urbina and Lyon began to provide information about his involvement in the events. Consequently, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army requested Valenzuela’s resignation from the institution, and he was replaced as Commander-in-Chief of the Military Garrison of Santiago by Major General Augusto Pinochet, who had recently been promoted and had left his position as Commander-in-Chief of the Sixth Army Division, based in Iquique.<\/p>\n On November 12, 1970, the supreme decree came into effect with which President Salvador Allende pardoned and released individuals convicted by the Courts of Justice for terrorist acts. Allende argued that they were only young idealists. Additionally, political and economic relations with Cuba were resumed. At that point, there was still a massive exodus of professionals and businessmen who were leaving Chile in the face of the promised “popular state.”<\/p>\n On January 9, 1971, Law 17,398 was enacted, which introduced a reform to the 1925 Constitution by incorporating the Statutes of Constitutional Guarantees that Allende had signed with the Christian Democrats to secure their support in Congress. A month later, President Allende stated to French journalist Regis Debray that he had signed those Statutes of Constitutional Guarantees only for tactical reasons to come into power and that he would simply not respect them. Since the signed statutes had been incorporated into the Constitution, the President simply declared that he would not respect the Constitution. This added to the constitutional irregularity in which his government had been since day one, as he had delegated governing powers to party leaders.<\/p>\n 1971 appeared to be a year of prosperity, with price controls on essential goods, mass hiring of Chileans in public offices and in companies being transferred to state ownership. The cost of this was covered by simply printing money, as if wealth could be generated by the mere printing of banknotes. This provided short-term relief but led to long-term hardship.<\/p>\n In terms of the economy, the Popular Unity government had defined three areas: a highly restricted and limited private sector, a mixed sector where private entities and the state would have control, and a social sector, a euphemism for the area where the state would be the sole controller of companies. There was never clarity about which companies would be transferred to state ownership, and the government never provided a legal framework for this definition, creating natural uncertainty among entrepreneurs who had no incentive to invest or even acquire raw materials to maintain production, as it was evident that their productive units could be taken away at any moment. The recurrent use of Decree 520, which had been forgotten for nearly 40 years since its issuance in 1932 during the short-lived socialist republic of Carlos D\u00e1vila, allowed for the intervention or expropriation of companies if they did not fulfill the purposes for which they were created. Exploiting this legal provision, activists from the Popular Unity utilized it cunningly, causing factory shutdowns for various reasons and then informing the Ministry of Economy after a couple of weeks so that intervention or expropriation of the respective productive units could take place. This, along with the lack of legal definition of the economic sectors, resulted in production paralysis and subsequent shortages in Chile, exacerbating the inflationary pressure caused by the excessive printing of paper money. Meanwhile, President Allende delivered his first address to the nation before the National Congress, a speech that was characterized as “controversial” by the commander-in-chief of the army at that time, as stated in his memoirs before his death. Salvador Allende’s speech on May 21, 1971, was a kind of lecture on Marxism and the history of Marxist revolutions before non-Marxist congressmen. It imposed on them the obligation to approve all the changes that the government would send as bills to the legislative branch, moving in a unilateral direction towards a socialist society. Allende emphasized in his analysis the need to obtain such approvals from Congress to prevent a different path from the one proposed by the Chilean revolution and thus avoid the revolutionary violence that had developed in other countries around the world. In other words, either the government’s reforms were approved in Congress, or the legislative power would be informed of the possibility of being confronted with leftist violence. One of these changes involved nothing less than ending the republican democracy by eliminating the 1925 constitution, which included the abolition of the bicameral congress, a symbol of that democracy. In other words, the Popular Unity coalition had used the existing democracy in Chile to come to power and once in that position, proceeded to destroy that same democracy. President Allende also made a statement that illustrated the direction his government was taking Chile: “The task is of extraordinary complexity because there are no precedents that we can draw inspiration from. We tread on a new path; we march without a guide through unknown terrain…”<\/p>\n On June 8, 1971, Chile was shaken by a new political crime. Christian Democrat Edmundo P\u00e9rez Zujovic, former Interior Minister in Eduardo Frei’s government, was assassinated. He was gunned down by Ronald Rivera Calder\u00f3n, using a Carl Gustav submachine gun. Ronald Rivera Calder\u00f3n was the brother of Arturo Rivera Calder\u00f3n, one of the many left-wing terrorists who were pardoned by Salvador Allende at the beginning of his government. These two individuals who carried out the attack were part of the extreme left-wing group called Vanguardia Organizada del Pueblo (VOP). There were reports at the time that implicated socialist Eduardo Paredes, Director of Investigations, in having connections with the assassins of the former minister.<\/p>\n In July 1971, the nationalization of copper took place without compensation for the expropriated US companies. This situation led to disputes between American companies and the government, with lawsuits and embargoes on copper shipments from Chile to international markets. The latter situation affected the availability of foreign currency in Chile.<\/p>\n In September 1971, the first constitutional accusation was presented against one of Allende’s ministers, Pedro Vuskovic, the Minister of Economy. However, this initiative failed to receive support from the Christian Democrats. At the same time, an important social and political actor in the upcoming events, the business associations, organized themselves in the FRENAP (Frente Nacional del \u00c1rea Privada or National Front of the Private Sector). This organization consisted of large, medium, and small businesses.<\/p>\n The last two months of 1971 were marked by preparations for the opposition to the government, which would continue until September 11, 1973. On November 10, Fidel Castro, the leader of the Cuban Revolution, arrived in Chile. This situation became a rallying point for the opposition, which until then had lacked cohesion due to the strong opposition from the right-wing to Eduardo Frei’s government. Upon the announcement of the revolutionary leader’s visit, Patria y Libertad (a right-wing organization) painted the walls of Santiago to express their rejection of the Cuban arrival. Upon Castro’s arrival, flags from the Socialist and Communist parties, as well as the black and red flags of the MIR (Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria or Revolutionary Left Movement), which was a political interlocutor of the Cuban regime in Chile, were waving. Banners with images of the Argentine-Cuban guerrilla fighter Ernesto “Che” Guevara were also displayed. Fidel Castro stayed in Chile for 24 days, during which he traveled the country from Iquique to Punta Arenas, including saltpeter mines, copper mines, coal mines, universities, naval ships, the Huachipato steel mill, and official receptions. The entire country, both government supporters and opponents, revolved around the visitor. While Castro was still in Chile, on December 1, 1971, during an official farewell reception at the Cuban embassy, the first major opposition demonstration took place. Thousands of women marched through the central area of Santiago carrying empty pots, protected by Patria y Libertad, the Rolando Matus command of the National Party, and the Christian Democratic Youth. At the intersection of Bernardo O’Higgins Avenue and Vicu\u00f1a Mackenna Avenue, the opposition column clashed with street combat groups from the left, resulting in violent confrontations and multiple injuries. After a farewell event at the Estadio Nacional (National Stadium) on December 2, Fidel Castro left Chile on December 4, after almost a month-long stay. 1972 began with poor economic prospects and strained international relations. By the end of 1971, Chile had to import $260 million worth of food, nearly twice the amount imported when agrarian reform began under the Frei government. Additionally, US President Richard Nixon announced that he would take economic measures against countries that expropriated US-owned companies without proper compensation, and Chile was among those countries. Nixon had a clear plan: blocking external credit for Chile and providing financial support to destabilize the Allende government. In fact, in 1971, Western world credits to Chile were frozen due to the prevailing uncertainty in the country. This was the result of venturing down an “unknown path,” as Salvador Allende expressed in his speech to the Congress and the nation on May 21, 1971.<\/p>\n During the summer of 1972, through a publication by American journalist Jack Anderson, it became known about the operations carried out to date by the US communications company ITT to destabilize the Chilean government. In the same period, companies affected by the nationalization of copper in Chile appealed to the Special Copper Tribunal, requesting a modification of the so-called “excessive profits” used by the General Comptroller of the Republic to calculate the compensations to be paid. These compensations had turned out to be substantial negative amounts, meaning that the companies, in addition to being expropriated, had to pay the Chilean government. The Council of State Defense ruled that the said tribunal had no jurisdiction to address the matter requested. This kept alive an issue that ultimately affected Chile’s foreign exchange income due to credit blockades in Western capital markets and the confiscation of copper from Chile at various Western ports. The Popular Unity government attempted, with evident improvisation, to request financial resources from its “Vatican,” Moscow, but the Russians denied them the resources in the presence of Salvador Allende himself in Moscow. Chile was paying a high price for the “revolutionary taste” that the Chilean left was indulging in by breaking away from “Yankee imperialism” to receive the largesse of Soviet communism, which they never received as they needed.<\/p>\n If, during the thirteen publications of this historical series, any of my readers are interested in obtaining the book Chile 1973, whether for the Chilean or Spanish edition, they can send their inquiries to the email address\u00a0ucarabantes@gmail.com<\/a>.<\/p>\n I’ll be waiting for you with the fourth historical publication titled “Fifty Years: From the Transport Workers’ Strike to the ‘Tankazo'” on Saturday, July 8th. \t<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Por Ulises Carabantes Ahumada Ingeniero Civil Industrial. Analista de actualidad. Escritor. (At the end of the spanish text you will find the english translation) Estimado lector, en las pr\u00f3ximas l\u00edneas podr\u00e1 leer un muy breve pero descriptivo resumen de algunos cap\u00edtulos del libro Chile 1973. Quien quiera profundizar en esta materia y desee comprar el …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[10],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-173834","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-columna-opinion"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/173834","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=173834"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/173834\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=173834"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=173834"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tierramarillano.cl\/newweb\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=173834"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\nChaos<\/strong>
\nBy Ulises Carabantes Ahumada
\nCivil Industrial Engineer. Current affairs analyst. Writer.<\/p>\n
\nIn institutional terms, the program of the Popular Unity proposed to put an end to the existing republican democracy by eliminating the 1925 Constitution and replacing it with a new one that would give the country the characteristics of a “Popular State.” This included the elimination of the bicameral Congress, which would be replaced by a single-chamber Congress called the “Popular Assembly.” The agrarian reform initiated by the government of Eduardo Frei, which involved the expropriation of irrigated agricultural lands of eighty hectares or more that were unproductive, underwent conceptual changes in the program of the Popular Unity. The expropriations no longer targeted only unproductive lands but also included orchards, vineyards, machinery, and tools. This essentially amounted to a confiscation based on Marxist ideological criteria. The program of the Popular Unity explicitly stated: “Acceleration of the agrarian reform process by expropriating properties that exceed the maximum established size according to the conditions of the different regions, including fruit orchards, vineyards, and forests, without the owner having preferential rights to choose the reserve. The expropriation may include all or part of the assets of the expropriated properties (machinery, tools, animals, etc.).” After this institutionalized confiscation, the fields were filled with political activists who were members of the Popular Unity and the MIR, lacking any knowledge of agricultural work. They simply settled on the fields to engage in permanent assemblyism, enjoying the act of revolutionary redemption they believed they were part of. As a result, the machinery, tools, and animals remained unused, leading to the paralysis of agricultural production and, consequently, a lack of food from the agricultural sector for the Chilean people. In 1965, at the beginning of Frei’s agrarian reform, Chile imported around 150 million dollars’ worth of food. By the end of 1972, after the government of Salvador Allende had expropriated all expropriable lands, Chile’s annual food imports had risen to 450 million dollars. The numbers speak for themselves.
\nAt the beginning of Salvador Allende’s government, the high military command was formed with General Carlos Prats as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Admiral Ra\u00fal Montero as Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, General C\u00e9sar Ruiz as Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, and General Jos\u00e9 Sep\u00falveda as Director General of Carabineros.<\/p>\n
\nOn April 4, 1971, the Nationalist Front for Homeland and Freedom was founded during an event at the Nataniel Stadium in Santiago. It was an ultra-right group led by lawyer Pablo Rodr\u00edguez Grez. Initially, their focus was on propaganda against the government, which later escalated into violent street actions. Members of this organization carried batons and clubs to protect opposition demonstrations. The group’s anti-Marxist activities eventually evolved into dynamite attacks on strategic facilities in the country, such as power transmission towers, oil pipelines, and railroads. Roberto Thieme, a young furniture entrepreneur, joined Pablo Rodr\u00edguez as the leader of this group. In 1971, Thieme became the Secretary General and in January 1973, he became the head of the operations front, whose objective was to unleash armed struggle against the Allende government.<\/p>\n
\nAfter the “March of the Pots and Pans,” the leadership of Patria y Libertad concluded that their militants were not prepared for street combat. They decided to rent a gym on Almirante Barroso Street in Santiago, very close to La Moneda Palace, to start martial arts and self-defense training for their members. Meanwhile, the Secretary General of this right-wing organization, Roberto Thieme, made his first trip to Mendoza with the aim of arranging the importation of weapons.<\/p>\n